One consequence of We the Citizens was that several months later, in July 2012, the two houses of the Irish Parliament passed a resolution to establish a convention on the constitution. A ragbag of tasks drawn from different party platforms was specified for it, including altering the presidential term, reducing the voting age, reviewing the electoral system, considering provisions for same-sex marriage, helping boost female political participation, and removing the offence of blasphemy from the constitution. The convention was formed on December 1, 2012, and had its first full session on January 26-27, 2013. It slightly overran its official 12-month mandate, concluding its work in February this year and being formally wound up on March 31.

The convention built on domestic experience gained during the 2011 We the Citizens pilot. It also learned from citizens’ assemblies on electoral reform in the two Canadian provinces of British Columbia (2004) and Ontario (2007), and from a citizens’ forum in the Netherlands (2006). All of these earlier exercises shared the two key features of We the Citizens: random selection of participants, and discussion by deliberation. The Irish constitutional convention in fact had some nominees from political parties. Its 100 members comprised 66 representative individuals chosen at random from the entire adult Irish population, 33 parliamentarians, and one independent chairperson. Broadly, though, it was aligned with the earlier initiatives.

The convention met roughly one weekend per month throughout its year of operation. Typically, it would convene for the whole of Saturday plus Sunday morning. Its work was aided by an academic and legal support group, and supported by a formal secretariat. In addition to the specified core tasks, it was allowed to address further issues as it saw fit, and duly did so. The government pledged to respond within four months to any recommendations coming out of the convention, and if necessary to schedule constitutional reform referendums.

To liaise with citizens, the convention created a website designed to act as a repository for basic information, and to facilitate input and feedback. All major documents were uploaded, and plenary sessions were made accessible through live streaming. In October-November 2013, a series of regional open meetings was held so that fresh topics could be suggested for consideration. In December 2013, two were chosen for detailed analysis.

In total, the convention made 38 separate constitutional reform recommendations. In turn, the government issued responses and, in several cases, a timeline for action. Early next year, for instance, three referendums will be held in Ireland on reducing the voting age, lowering the minimum age of presidential candidates, and legalizing same-sex marriage. Other issues remain to be considered – it is still less than three weeks since the convention formally concluded its work, and the full process has not yet reached an end.

In Myanmar, key political actors including President Thein Sein, Lower House Speaker Shwe Mann and NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi all agree that the 2008 Constitution requires reform. They disagree on when and how that should be done. Recent Irish experience introduces an option that does not rely solely on contending political parties and elite political bargains. Rather, it finds a way to empower ordinary people. At least some parts of it could be replicated in the Myanmar context.