Education has been in the spotlight a fair bit recently in Myanmar, and by and large that’s a good thing. On four successive days last week, the Irrawaddy carried important stories. The first was favourable: launch of an education reform website linked to the Comprehensive Education Sector Review. The second was also welcome: announcement of a $100 million World Bank education project. Thereafter, however, the news took a turn for the worse. The third was scandalous: confirmation that UNICEF is paying $87,000 per month to a former junta stalwart for its Yangon office. The fourth was dismal, but not entirely unexpected: affirmation that in Yangon many top state schools are effectively demanding fees for supposedly free schooling.

The CESR is led by the Ministry of Education and supported by a Multi-Donor Education Fund. Its work is guided by a predictable reform-era motto adopted by the MoE: “Building a modern developed nation through education.” Only once before has Myanmar’s education system been comprehensively reviewed and that was more than 20 years ago in 1992, so the current exercise is a major undertaking. It was agreed in February 2012, begun in Yangon in August 2012, and officially launched in Naypyitaw in October 2012. It opened with a first phase of rapid assessment from August 2012 to January 2013, and is now moving through second and third phases. Linked to an Education Promotion Implementation Committee (with 18 working groups), it currently features fortnightly consultation sessions in Yangon’s Diamond Jubilee Hall, and a weekly progress report sent to the President’s Office. The CESR website boasts a 425-page consolidated report on phase one, though the core analysis amounts to only 25 pages and is filled out with annexes and general padding. The most interesting part is the basic quantitative survey. On the downside, there is very little preschool provision. On the upside, middle school enrolments have latterly increased considerably. Mixing good and bad, gender disparities are low throughout the system, but territorial and socioeconomic disparities are high.

The World Bank project represents a first for the organization. Never before has it worked on education in Myanmar. Its $100 million investment is funded mainly by the International Development Association ($80m), and partly by Australia through the MDEF ($20m). The aim is twofold: to provide direct support to MoE schools and thereby improve the quality of education for more than 8 million children; and to extend financial assistance to 100,000 underprivileged students. Since Myanmar’s national budget for 2013 allocated only 5.4 percent of public spending to education, this cash injection is much needed.

UNICEF’s seven-year rental contract at $87,000 per month from October 2013 secures 33,000 square feet on Inya Myaing Road in the part of Bahan Township known as Golden Valley. The grand total of $7.3 million paid by 2020 will further swell the coffers of former General Nyunt Tin, known always to be close to Than Shwe. In responding rather tardily to the flood of criticism unleashed by the revelation, representative Bertrand Bainvel argued that the deal was the best the organization could strike in an escalating Yangon property market. That may be true. But to deliver on its educational objectives UNICEF does not have to be based in downtown Yangon. Much that is known to be bad about the global aid business is exemplified by this episode.

Then finally there are Yangon’s leading state schools, which allegedly invite parents to make a “donation” of, say, $500 when lodging an application to register a child. Much that is known to be bad about Myanmar in reform is exemplified by this episode.